the prime minister declared:
We simply can not stand back and let a dictator whose people have rejected him, kill his people indiscriminately. To do so would send a chilling signal to others striving for democracy across the region. And neither would it be in Britain’s interests. Let us be clear where our interests lie. In this country we know what Colonel Gaddafi is capable of. We should not forget his support for the biggest terrorist atrocity on British soil.
We simply can not have a situation where a failed pariah state festers on Europe’s southern border. This would potentially threaten our security, push people across the Mediterranean and create a more dangerous and uncertain world for Britain and for all our allies as well as for the people of Libya. That is why today we are backing our words with action.
The Obama administration has finally backed a no-fly zone after weeks of dithering that allowed Colonel Gaddafi to gain the momentum against the rebels, with his forces now encircling Benghazi. But the White House has spectacularly failed to outline a coherent strategy to bring down Gaddafi as well as identify rebel leaders Washington can work with. President Obama looks as though he has been dragged kicking and screaming into Libya, largely because the UN Security Council now says it is acceptable to do so. After all, he’s supporting a new course of action that his own Defence Secretary mocked just a couple of weeks ago, and it is unclear what his administration plans to do.
The key question is whether Cameron has the strength and conviction to see this through, especially with a confused American president at his side, a clueless EU and a deeply divided and feckless UN. His biggest Achilles heel, however, is the Coalition’s defence cuts, which are widely viewed in Washington as highly damaging to Britain’s ability to project military power. Nothing could be worse for the prime minister than pledging force without the ability to implement it effectively. The cuts have to be reversed if Britain is to mount a drawn-out, sustained campaign in Libya. As I wrote in a previous piece:
In order to back up a more robust foreign policy, Cameron must lay the foundations for the rebuilding of Britain’s military power after a decade of erosion under Labour. In light of the huge changes sweeping the Middle East, he must now give urgent consideration to reversing the damaging defence cuts his Coalition have introduced, and increase defence spending rather than reduce it. The UK should be spending at least 3 percent, and ideally 4 percent of GDP on defence if it wishes to significantly project power abroad and protect British interests.
There is no doubt that David Cameron’s stock as a world leader has soared since the start of the Libya crisis, in marked contrast to that of the American president. But his decision to invest military resources in a Libyan campaign carries with it significant risks, and must only be undertaken as part of a broader strategy to rebuild British military power. The British lion has roared, but must also be strong enough to go in for the kill.
